"SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN A GLOBALISED WORLD"
COPENHAGEN, OCTOBER 2002
TOWARDS GLOBAL REFORM : 
A SOCIAL DEMOCRAT APPROACH TO GLOBALISATION [1]

CONTRIBUTION BY THE “EUROPE-GLOBALISATION” REFLECTION GROUP

I.  Synthesis

The main theme of our proposals is as follows:

1)     Faced with the present state of the world, the only positive answer is comprehensive reform, to bring globalisation under control, and transform it into an instrument of progress.  In a world of rapid change, with growing inequality and insecurity, our future depends on radical reform.  

2)     The reform of globalisation will be very difficult and complex, but imperative if we are to avoid a permanent drift towards insecurity and violence in the world.

3)     The outlines of a global reform can be found in existing proposals, movements and a progressive consensus.  These must be developed and translated into political action.

4)     The European Union is the first successful response to the challenges of globalisation.  In the interests of its own security and the development of the European social model – and to take up its responsibilities to its own citizens and the rest of the world – the EU must commit itself with determination to the reform of global governance.

5)     European social democracy must be modernised. In redefining our goals and policies, Social Democrats must give priority to integrating the European and global dimensions.  Our agenda must give priority to creating a Europe which plays a leading role in global governance.

6)     All of this demands a shift of political focus.  We have to move on from the stage of identifying “what should be done” to a new phase of defining specific changes, how they can be achieved and with whom – and translating them into action.

7)     Just as in the great struggle for national reform, there will be no lack of accusations that our aims are impossible. It is through sustained analysis, commitment and political action – and through revitalising our ways of communicating our message – that we can succeed, as we did then, in generating a dynamic political movement, powered by enthusiasm and an understanding of what is at stake.

Against this background, we propose the following theses for discussion:

1. The security of our societies demands a reform of globalisation. There is a growing link between problems of security and the need for global reform

2. The world needs a well-managed economy respecting the rule of law and oriented towards stability, growth and full employment and North-South convergence

3. Equal rights for all depend upon global redistribution

4. The elimination of poverty in all countries, rich and poor, a major objective of our time, has become possible  

5. Sustainable development on a global scale must become an absolute imperative in political action at all levels so that longer term environmental goals and social rights take precedence over short term economic and corporate interests

6. Close co-ordination in the fight against terrorism is necessary – but not enough.  It is essential to tackle the roots of the problem

7. Global governance requires coherent, efficient and fully democratic international institutions

8. A world consensus is developing in favour of global reform.  It must be given a credible political expression

9. Europe has a mission in the world: to share its experience of responding to the challenges of globalisation

10. We must strengthen Europe's capacity to play a leading role in the world, above all through a strategy of partnership with other countries and regional bodies, to develop a new multilateralism

11. In Europe, we must set up rational and humane immigration and asylum policies to achieve successful integration

12. Europe's mission in the world corresponds closely to the tasks of a modernised social democracy

13. European integration of social democratic politics and their establishment on a global scale are urgently needed

14. For all this, we need to build a new European and global era of socialism

II.  Development of the thesis

The enormous changes over the past two decades - which we label globalisation – have thrown us into a universe of ‘tornadoes’: permanent, rapid and unpredictable transitions, unknown since the industrial revolution.

Attitudes to these changes are sharply polarised. A minority of winners welcomes the creation of a global economy, driven by unregulated markets and dominated by big business.  But for billions of people, globalisation, in this neo-liberal version, has proven a source of growing inequality, financial and monetary instability, weak economic growth, a more polluted environment and, above all, growing uncertainty and fear for the future. However, this majority recognises that globalisation is an unavoidable historical process and that the solution is not to turn back history but to bring globalisation under human control, to share its benefits more widely and to combat its negative consequences.

The insecurities of this age of globalisation are felt everywhere, as much in Europe as elsewhere, in poor countries and in rich.  Our fellow citizens experience globalisation above all in its impact on their own lives, in a national and even a local context.  Industrial restructuring and relocation create fears of redundancy (and therefore fears for the future in general).  Added to this are uncertainties about the future for retirement, health care and public services.  Moreover, the idea of a world without borders, linked to the notion of globalisation, causes growing unease over immigration – encouraged by the right and by populist movements. The terrible attacks of 11 September 2001 have dramatically re-inforced feelings of insecurity.

In Europe, this pervasive unease is reflected politically and electorally in the rise of new populisms, which appeal to an era when elected national governments were more in control of events and had more scope to regulate national economies. The populists’ policy prescriptions would never work and would have damaging consequences, but their slogans, offering false security, are now a major part of Europe’s political landscape, against which the old anti-fascism appeals are ineffective.

Fear of the future, a general feeling of insecurity and vulnerability, political scandals, the reduction of political debate to soundbites and the immediacy of our media-driven societies have played into the hands of populists and the right, disrupting Europe’s social democratic ascendancy and creating a mood of crisis in politics.  In the face of these growing dangers for democracy itself, European socialists must update their analyses, goals, proposals and political initiatives. The modernisation must not be solely at national level.  To win the confidence of our electorates, and to respond effectively to the problems of the day, we must learn to articulate our political actions simultaneously in local, national, European and global terms.

European social democracy has been a determining factor in a historic phase of development in our national societies. It has made them more democratic, fairer, safer and more cohesive, and has helped to build a united, prosperous and peaceful Europe. Today, drawing on the same values and aspirations, we must identify and develop political initiatives capable of delivering global reforms to create a fairer, more balanced, more democratic, more peaceful, more sustainable and safer world. 

The huge difficulty of achieving such reform is clear. As in the early development of the welfare state, a chorus of voices will tell us that this socialist objective of a "Welfare World" is utopian. But it is the only alternative to a world of pervasive risks of chaotic and violent disruption, the warning signs for which are already clearly visible.

Only Europe, acting in concert as a reforming force in the world, can shoulder the task of carrying through the necessary reform of globalisation. The thrust of this European movement for reform must be towards a real convergence between North and South, a global extension of democracy and human rights, sustainable development to ensure effective protection of our environment and natural resources, the eradication of poverty, the extension of rights to health and education, the regulation of the power of big business, the prevention and resolution of armed conflicts, peace-keeping and the development of a trans-national democracy and of its institutions.

European socialists and social democrats must be a driving force in the relentless drive for reform. We need urgently to clarify our analyses and our goals, to spell out our vision for the future of Europe, and to revitalise our European instruments of discussion, communication, and political action.

Necessity and possibility of global reforms

1. The security of our societies demands a reform of globalisation. In today’s world there is a growing link between problems of security and the need for global reform

Global reform is not a matter just of goodwill and solidarity with the suffering of the impoverished world. It is essentially a question of security and necessity.  11 September 2001 showed the extreme vulnerability of our prosperous societies. It was said then that the world had changed. It must change again, to become a safer place.

The notion of security peddled by the right is strictly defensive and risks fuelling eruptions of hatred, which are at the roots of terrorism and violence. Demagogy is the right’s  only response to mass migration. It exploits fears and insecurities, while at the same time imposing a social and economic order which increases the gap between rich and poor countries and provokes mass population movements.

Growing social and economic divergence, culture clashes and global apartheid would mean, globally and nationally, growing violence and insecurity. Any credible policy for greater security must involve reform, aiming to create a world in which conflicts and fears are eased by the prospect of a progressive globalisation.

2. The world needs a regulated economy oriented towards a North-South convergence, stability, growth and full employment

One of the main sources of widespread feelings of insecurity is the fear of losing one’s livelihood.  In Europe, the ambition of the Lisbon strategy is to eliminate this fear through a combination of economic development and policies for social cohesion, to stimulate competitivity, create jobs and provide training and education opportunities for those who must adapt to a changing labour market. We must strengthen and support this approach in Europe, and extend it beyond European frontiers by using the international organisations to promote global education, financial and economic stability, investment, economic take-off in the South and close cooperation on global problems. 

At the same time we must staunchly defend and reinforce the European social model, for the future of retirement, quality and accessibility of health care for all, and in other areas.  European and international policies here are closely linked.  Tomorrow’s world must be one of prosperity increasingly shared and created by all.

The rapid succession of financial, economic and social crises in Mexico (1995), South-East Asia (1997-1998), Russia (1998), Brazil (1999) and Latin America (2001), as well as the extreme situation in Africa, bear sombre testimony to the impact of market fundamentalism. They illustrate the urgent need to reform the rules. But major reform remains blocked, particularly in the international financial institutions. Today the situation in Argentina and all over Latin America, and the recent business scandals in the United States, show that the situation is rapidly deteriorating.

The international financial institutions must be reformed and their policies changed to fulfil their mandate as guarantors of financial and macro-economic stability. This would enable better control of speculation, better crisis prevention and resolution, and creation of efficient instruments to correct the dramatic social consequences of financial crises for developing countries.

This also requires a new balance between the dominant political influence of the business world and that of other stakeholders in globalisation, in favour of better protection at global level of economic, social and cultural rights, especially for the weakest.

3. Equal rights for all requires global redistribution

Globalisation of progress depends upon maintaining the principle of equality of political and social rights for all men and women in the world. For Europeans this does not only mean an affirmation of solidarity. In a global economy, hard-won social rights, which are at the heart of the European social model, cannot survive without global social progress. Businesses will always tend to move to areas where labour costs are lower. It is in everyone’s interest then to promote core labour standards within both the WTO and the ILO, and to strengthen the ability of trade unions across the world to defend and promote the rights of their members. We must support all initiatives directed towards this goal, from the ILO World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalisation, to work on corporate social responsibility and the UN’s “Global Compact”, with the determination to ensure that these approaches are capable of achieving the changes needed.

In this area, the dramatic situation of hundreds of millions of women and children must become a central concern of European policy towards poorer countries and a key theme for Socialists in a new global politics.  More than men, it is women and children who are often most harshly affected by grinding poverty; by lack of access to basic health care and education for children; and by dramatic inequality of women’s rights relative to those of men.

In this situation a clear improvement in aid policies, while necessary, will not be enough: we must recognise that global markets mean global rationalisation and restructuring.  We must apply at the global level the approaches of stability, trade, progressive tax systems, redistribution and a balance between markets and social cohesion, which have made a success of our social model.

4. The elimination of poverty in all countries, rich and poor, a major objective of our time, has become possible

The fight against poverty is an end in itself, but it is also in the interests of the better off, and the necessary resources must be provided. Poverty is a primary cause of the internal conflicts that have afflicted many of the world’s poorest countries in the last decades. Growing poverty in rich countries is one of the main causes of growing insecurity. In the medium term, it is cheaper to eliminate poverty than not to do so. But the levels of development aid, far from reaching the international commitment of 0,7% of GDP of the developed countries, have fallen in the last decade to a meagre and inadequate 0,22%.

The elimination of poverty also requires a reform of trade policy, to allow developing countries to take advantage of opportunities offered by global markets.  We must oppose firmly the continuation of the rich country practice of putting pressure on poor ones to open up their markets, while protecting their own economies through barriers and subsidies.

The expansion of international trade must be more responsive to the development of poorer countries, by moving towards a notion of fair trade between rich and poor countries.  On this issue, Europe must be a driving force in the current trade negotiations.

5. Sustainable development on a global scale must become an absolute imperative in political action at all levels so that longer term environmental goals and social rights  take precedence over short term economic and corporate interests

The limited success of the Johannesburg summit leaves the world community with a long list of environmental problems without a political response, concrete targets or appropriate actions. Ways must now be found to re-activate this part of the agenda without waiting a decade for another global bargaining session, more and more influenced by powerful economic and corporate interests. 

Innovative approaches to global governance and stronger political coalitions, capable of developing a true sustainable development model at world level, must be identified and constructed. As in Johannesburg, the European Union will have to shoulder an even greater global responsibility in this respect in coming years. However, this can only make sense if there is a well-developed and well supported political commitment to shouldering this task, both in Europe and in other parts of the world. In this respect, as European social democrats we must continue to move sustainable development to the heart of our political approach and action - as we have increasingly done until now.

6. In the fight against terrorism, it is essential to co-ordinate national responses and to attack the roots of the problem

We must be firm against terrorism and crime, and firm against its causes. A policy of global reform oriented towards growth and economic and social convergence, democracy and harmony among cultures would have an enormous impact on the causes of pervasive violence and crime by reducing the passive and active support for international terrorism.  This not something just for the long run.  Deprived populations need - beyond an improvement of their material conditions - a convincing guarantee for their future and for progress. Lack of hope is often the source of violence. The direct fight against terrorism and organised crime is necessary, but insufficient for success.

We need to reinforce European and global cooperation against terrorism and crime, and in internal security in our countries, while guaranteeing respect for civil rights and liberties. This implies that we should not only fight effectively against the new forms of terrorism and cross-border crime, combat and eradicate the organisations of violence, prevent their actions and fight against the financing of violence, but also rapidly and significantly reduce the roots which nourish these phenomena.

The fight against terrorism and violence is also an ideological and political fight. There is a fundamental political battle to be fought between the supporters of an internationalist and democratic reformism based on global justice, globalisation of democracy and dialogue between cultures, on the one hand; and the fundamentalists of all sides, who generate exclusion, hatred and violence, on the other. 

7. Global governance requires coherent, efficient and fully democratic international institutions

Markets have globalised much more rapidly than have institutions, regulatory mechanisms and political governance. If we are to politicise and democratise global decision-making, we need to apply this to the international institutions themselves.  Decision-making needs to be opened up, made more consultative and transparent.  We must look for innovative ways of subjecting decisions to democratic scrutiny (e.g. the creation of a parliamentary assembly at the WTO).  We need to ensure that the decisions of the different organisations are coherent and shaped around common goals. Powerful organisations like the IMF and the G8 should be made more representative while those which are more representative, such as the UN and the ILO, should be given more power. An institutional system developed in the aftermath of World War II now needs to be adapted to the realities of globalisation.  We need to stimulate and support regional political integration as a way of increasing the collective power of the world's peoples in the decision-making which affects them.

8. A world consensus is developing in favour of global reform.  It must be given a credible political expression.

In an embryonic and contradictory fashion, the seeds of a global reform movement can already be found in the world. They are expressed in international conferences on the major themes of globalisation: poverty, epidemic diseases, the environment, demography, human rights, the condition of women. However, from Rio to Johannesburg, or from the Millennium Development Goals to Monterrey, awareness has been growing of the gap between the gravity of the problems and the scale of the emerging global solutions and outcomes. 

The formulation of big objectives without means of achievement, catalogues of good intentions without targets and the rhetoric of half-developed ideas would simply generate more frustration. We need a realistic, well-documented vision, a broad consensus for reform and financially feasible political initiatives.  We have to define the forces, methods and  political strategies needed to implement the necessary global reforms.

In Europe as in the World we are witnessing the rapid development of movements and global networks with diverse and sometimes contradictory positions grouped under the expression of "Another world is possible". The risks of frustration in this emerging "global civil society" are evident, given its diversity and the enormous difficulty and complexity of the problems it is confronting.  The anti-globalisation current within these movements conflicts, for us, with the impossibility of stopping an unstoppable process and turning the clock back.  Their lack of realism is dangerous.  A real dialogue needs to be launched, without aiming to win converts, in order to offer a vision of global political action, and to construct and develop an active political consensus around concrete, financially sound and feasible global reforming objectives.  The aim of reforming globalisation should not exclude dialogue with those who simply, and peacefully, oppose its current reality. Until a clear future is established, it would be absurd to exclude the value of approaches which focus more on denouncing injustice and affirming values than on proposing solutions. 

But we believe that a reforming approach must do more than expose the problems, and move on from the question of "what might be done", to demonstrate political commitment and to present detailed, united and coherent proposals for reform. We must build a European and global progressive alliance around this approach, to create the necessary conditions for global reform. This is the major challenge for progressive politics in the XXIst century: to create an effective internationalist policy.

Global processes need to be politicised and democratised. The more that individuals are disconnected from decisions that affect their daily lives, the greater the tendency towards social anomie and a political void, reinforcing nationalist insularity, fundamentalism and populism. Just as we want to strengthen the EU’s legitimacy and efficiency by bringing it closer to its citizens, the same principle must apply progressively to decision making at global level, whether in the WTO, the IMF, the World Bank, the G8, the ILO, or the United Nations. At a time when organisations take a growing number of important decisions, on which most people feel they have no influence and are ill informed, it is the responsibility above all of political parties to subject these issues, and the decision making processes, to a permanent public and political debate.

The role of Europe

9. Europe has a mission in the world: to share its successful experience of a regional response to the challenges of globalisation

Europe has a vital interest in influencing the world and must fully take the measure of its global responsibilities. In a disturbed, unfair and dangerous world, which poses clear threats to the people of Europe, if Europe wishes to maintain and develop its social model, guarantee its security, preserve its environment and fulfil its duty to emerging countries, it must not only  harness globalisation as it affects Europe, but also try to provide solutions for the rest of the world.

As Europeans we have the experience of the European Union as a model of what can be achieved.  We have demonstrated that the creation of a « globalised » economy on a regional scale can be accompanied by a regionalisation of social and environmental standards, by democracy, by higher economic and social  convergence and by efficient multilateral governance.

10. We must strengthen Europe's capacity to play a leading role in the world, above all through a strategy of partnership with other countries and regional bodies, to develop a new multilateralism

The EU is at a crossroads.  Its original raison d’être was reconcilation and peace, following the devastating wars of the XXth century.  Half a century of peace has allowed the development of a new model, which has made united Europe an extraordinary success.

But to pursue the development of its social model and its plans for the future, Europe must succeed in enlargement, strengthen its political union, its democracy and its governance by simplifying its institutions and procedures and bringing them closer to the citizens.  And it must establish itself as a global player with a more united and powerful foreign and security policy.  The constitutive process launched by the European Convention and the 2004 IGC offer the great opportunity to establish a strong Europe with a clear vision of its future, efficient institutions and the support of the broad majority of its citizens.

In this context, Europe’s role in globalisation is a central issue. If we are to go even a small way towards achieving such an ambitious global agenda, then it is clear that a much wider coalition is required than exists in Europe. But Europe can be the catalyst for change, both because of its economic weight and because of the success of its own experiment in democratic regional governance and efficient multilateralism. With the crisis of old multilateralism and the emergence of global unilateralism by the current US administration (which must not be taken as a irreversible fact and demands a European effort to multilateralise the US), there is a growing "demand for Europe" in those regions which are in the early stages of economic and political integration, as a way of responding to globalisation and to the demands of a new multilateral balance. It is the EU which can be the most effective advocate of regional integration and of this new multilateralism.

Our goal must be to seek a better global governance. To achieve this we need a Europe that expresses itself at global level in a strong and responsible way and with a single voice. It is not enough to speak with a single voice in trade matters. The EU must have a single representation with a clear mandate and strong authority in the IMF for the euro zone, the World Bank, the G8 and the Security Council of the UN.  In addition, the constitution or constituent treaty that will result from the 2004 IGC should set in motion a gradual integration of the Union’s three pillars.

11. In Europe, we must set up rational and humane immigration and asylum policies to achieve successful integration

Issues linked to growing immigration into Europe have taken on a major social and political importance, which will grow further in the years to come. The paradox of the current situation is that the left pays an electoral price for its stance of solidarity, while the right has imposed throughout the world the economic and social order which has caused population movements.  But in asserting a link between immigration and insecurity, the right exploits the worries of less well-off social groups, whose daily living conditions are affected by badly managed migration.

Migration is essential. But unregulated population movements are a human tragedy and a source of social and political disturbance in our societies, which we need to avoid. Therefore neither open borders nor zero migration will work. A European immigration policy with an appropriately set quota and burden sharing mechanisms is an option that is already on the table. Europe needs legal immigration. Aside from the creativity and innovation generated by a more open society, we need it if we are to have an answer to the ageing of our population and the pensions crisis that will result. Europe has to develop an adequate policy mix at local, national and European level, ensuring a better welcome and better management, to avoid ghettos and exclusion.

Without such a policy to translate solidarity into coherent actions, all efforts to combat illegal immigration will be doomed to failure. Asylum is a different issue, one where the best policy is to avoid the conflicts that cause it. The massive drop in numbers of asylum seekers from Afghanistan in recent months is a case in point. Burden sharing is an important issue, however, and we need to ensure that, where conflict does occur, the burden does not fall overwhelmingly on either the immediate neighbours or the nearest rich country.

We must also understand better how genuinely to achieve successful integration of immigrant populations.  Economic, social and cultural policies must contribute more effectively than in the past.  Above all, there cannot be successful integration without job creation, and therefore without adequate growth.  Then education and training must be adapted to this challenge – and for this we look to the potential offered by the Lisbon Strategy.

At the same time, immigrants must not be seen as having rights without obligations, or as receiving privileged treatment, compared to the rest of the population.  A better and more visible expression must be found of the rights and obligations associated with integration.  And we must not be afraid to proclaim the message that immigration is not a burden on society, but through successful integration becomes a source of richness.  

The tasks of social democracy

12. Europe's mission in the world corresponds closely to the tasks of a modernised social democracy

In the beginning of this XXIst century, any true modernisation of our approaches must be based on the idea that the reform project of social democracy has been largely accomplished in the national or state context.  Today, these achievements are challenged by a poorly regulated globalisation.  To make our achievements in Europe irreversible and to progress towards more freedom, justice, and equity in our societies as well as to make them safer, the social democrat project must, at a time of accelerated globalisation, become as much a European and global project as it is a national one.

This has implications for the renewal of our national parties, for the development of the Party of European Socialists and for increased action by European socialists and social democrats in the Socialist International and for active relations with the wider community of democratic and progressive movements and ideas in the world.  The Socialist International should, in this respect, have as its priority objective the expansion of social democrat policies on a global scale, with the necessary visibility and leadership towards global progress.

13. European integration of social democratic politics and their establishment on a global scale are urgently needed

The aim of a new approach by European socialists to globalisation’s challenge is therefore threefold:

1. Develop a European policy for socialists, in order to carry out indispensable reforms in the EU’s internal policies and its action in the world;

2.  Within a realistic and viable programme, introduce and give priority to the current set of analyses and proposals on globalisation which are developing in the international community, and make of them a roadmap for global progress;

3. Create the largest possible active and reform-oriented consensus worldwide, recognising political and cultural pluralism, and building on a progressive alliance of socialists, social democrats and progressive democrats;

In responding actively and resolutely to the challenges of European integration and the globalisation of socialist policy, we need to build upon our past achievements and aspirations. Socialist action has made possible the extension of democratic rights to the working class during the past century. It has built up societies with the highest degree of freedom, security and equity in human history by creating the welfare state, progressive taxation and the generalisation of rights to education, health and social security. We must be aware that a new global approach is essential to fulfil our duties to that part of the world’s population which lives in poverty - and to maintain and develop the democracy, prosperity and equality that we have achieved in Europe. These should not be perceived as costs to be minimised in a competitive and tough world but as assets which can provide an orientation to a world searching for a new model of global governance.

14. For all this, we need to develop a new European and global era of socialism

To provide the basis for a new social democrat project of global reform in response to accelerated globalisation and its challenges, a major work of interpreting, formulating and initiating European and international policy is required. We need to develop a modern political language capable of specifying and pursuing these political objectives in a way which enables us to respond to the hopes and feelings of insecurity of our fellow citizens. At European and global level, socialists need to develop their means of communication, collaboration and action Vision, initiatives and active support for a new European ascendancy for socialism will have to be built up. To do so, the PES needs to spread out and its parliamentary group should fulfil a permanent political support function, to stimulate the development of the communication networks and actions of European socialism. The PES should also reinforce its active presence within a Socialist International which is in need of new momentum.

In the past, the European social democratic struggle was mostly against those on the right - in the name of selfish conservative interests - and those on the left - in the name of revolutionary utopia – who denied any possibility of a reformist perspective.

The social democrat compromise in the national context and its success were, after all, the result of a democratic victory against the "impossibilists". This logic is stronger than ever: in the new era of globalisation, bringing about change in favour of European and global reforms is the permanent and overriding goal of our action. This has not been accomplished yet and doing so will be difficult. However, it is a feasible objective, if we have the courage of our convictions, and if optimism becomes an obligation and efficiency a duty.

This is the only way forward to give its full sense to our identity and our action, to restore the centrality of a social democratic discourse in Europe, to inspire the necessary shift of focus and the new beginnings of our parties, as well as to open up dialogue and fruitful cooperation with active civil society and youth.

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Socialist Members of the "Europe-Globalisation" reflection group

Raimon Obiols, Vice-chairman of the PES parliamentary group in charge of the coordination of the reflection group
Chairman of the delegation for relations with Central America and Mexico, Member on the committee for foreign affairs, human rights, common security and defence policy  
Maria Carrilho, Member on the committee for development and cooperation
Fiorella Ghilardotti, Member on the committee for legal affairs and the internal market
Member on the committee for women’s rights and equal opportunities
Robert Goebbels, Vice-chairman of the PES parliamentary group in charge of economic and social affairs
Member on the committee for economic and monetary affairs  
Willy Görlach, Member on the committee for agriculture and rural development
Glenys Kinnock, Member on the committee for development and cooperation Chairwoman of the EU-ACP joint parliamentary committee
Michel Rocard, Chairman of the committee on culture, youth, education, the media and sport
Hannes Swoboda, Vice-chairman of the PES parliamentary group in charge of parliamentary affairs, Vice-chairman of the delegation for relations with South-East Europe, Member of the committee on foreign affairs, human rights, common security and defence policy  
Bruno Trentin, Member on the committee for economic and monetary affairs
Max van den Berg, Vice-chairman of the PES parliamentary group in charge of foreign affairs and WTO matters
Vice-chairman of the committee for development and cooperation

The Reflection group works in direct contact with Enrique Barón Crespo, President of the Parliamentary Group, who participates in the work of the group.

The following persons have also participated in the discussions leading to this contribution :

Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, PES rapporteur on globalisation and party leader of the Danish Socialdemokraterne
Harlem Désir, Member on the committee for trade and industry
Christa Randzio-Plath, Chairwoman on the committee for economic and monetary affairs

As well as the following external personalities :

Giampiero Alhadeff, Secretary General, Solidar
Emilio Gabaglio, Secretary General, CES
Pr. Zaki Laïdi, Senior Research Fellow,  CERI
Pascal Lamy, European Commissioner for Trade
Tony Long, Director, WWF European Office
Prof. Riccardo Petrella, UCL
Simon Stocker, Director, Eurostep
Simone Süsskind, Presidente, Actions in the Mediterranean
Prof. Mario Teló, ULB
Myriam Vander Stichele, Director, SOMO

Without necessarily agreeing with all elements in this text.

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